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Editorial: "Difference-maker"

Wednesday, October 25, 2000

Monitor editorial

 District 5 voters have been well-served by Clifton Below.

In Democratic incumbent Clifton Below and Republican Jim Rubens, Senate District 5 voters have a choice between two hardworking wonks. But that's not to say they are similar candidates, or that our preference for Below is a close call.

Rubens is driven by ideology, Below by facts. Rubens often impresses others as arrogant, Below as earnest. Rubens rarely questions his own assumptions, while Below always listens and learns.

Rubens's characteristics rendered him a sideshow throughout his four years in the Senate. In contrast, Below became a difference-maker in only his first term.

On the issues, the obvious point of comparison between the two is the income tax.

Rubens is against it and the Supreme Court ruling that mandates school tax reform. Here's the problem: It's been three years since that ruling, and Rubens still doesn't offer an answer to it that is constitutional.

Below is for the income tax, having crafted a reform bill that would have lowered overall taxes for most New Hampshire residents. Such was the strength of the proposal and Below's reasoned evangelism that the tax plan bearing his name almost become law.

There are revealing differences behind their tax positions, too.

Rubens runs a think tank that commissioned a study of the income tax. When its findings suggested that an income tax might actually enhance the state's economy, a shocked Rubens disavowed his own study, saying it had failed to measure the mythical "New Hampshire Advantage."

In contrast, Below never stopped refining his plan as it advanced through the Legislature. As friends and foes identified its shortcomings, he tweaked the bill in response - even though this complicated his political challenge immensely. In the end, the price he exacted for his support of a temporary, lesser plan was money to buy sophisticated software that would enable lawmakers to better understand their tax choices in years to come.

Below also played a central role in negotiating a settlement with the state's largest utility that has reduced electric rates and raised the prospect of further reductions through competition.

This was numbing, exhausting, thankless work - but Below deserves credit for helping to lead the state down a far more promising road than the confrontational, all-or-nothing court fight Rubens preferred.

In sum, Below's first Senate term was remarkably productive. Local voters in Alexandria, Andover, Danbury, New London, Newbury, Sutton and Wilmot should reward him with two more years in office.

 

Rubens Turns Senate Quest Into Spending Extravaganza

 Tuesday, August 29, 2000

 The Valley News,  Editorial

 If Jim Rubens intends to buy his way back into the New Hampshire Senate, he should be honest about it and say so. Enough of this I'm-being-forced-to-do-something-I-don't-want-to-by-evil-forces nonsense.

The Union Leader reported Friday that the average spending in a state Senate race two years ago was $20,000. That same article reported that Rubens has already raised $67,176 and spent $23,730 to unseat Sen. Clifton Below.  Below captured the seat in 1998 when Rubens left the Senate to run for governor.

That's an astounding, and disturbing, amount of money for a state legislative race. For one thing, it's surprising that anybody is prepared to blow that kind of money for a part-time seat that pays $100 a year in a state that takes pride in maintaining a nonprofessional legislature.

It also doesn't bode well for those who hope to minimize the influence of big-money politics on New Hampshire. Increasingly expensive campaigns will bring politicians who must spend more of their time fund-raising, campaigns that are based less on the clash of ideas than on professional political packaging and, perhaps, donors who expect more of a return on the investments they're making.

Rubens, of course, accepts no responsibility for the money that's about to be spent in his name.

"We are prepared to defend ourselves against what they did last time," the Republican from Etna told the Union Leader. According to Rubens, the state Democratic Party spent as much as $80,000 on Below's 1998 victory over Larry Guaraldi.

Below, who has raised $22,246 and spent $6,371 so far, according to the article, says that Rubens is preparing to fight an enemy that will never materialize.

The Lebanon Democrat says that he has asked Democratic Party officials to refrain from making independent expenditures "and they've all indicated they won't." And if this Senate seat is perceived to be that important, why doesn't Below have to worry about the Republican Party throwing its money around on behalf of Rubens?

Moreover, Rubens has already proved himself to be not at all squeamish about loosening the purse strings to get himself elected. Back in 1994, when he was a political unknown trying to topple Senate President Ralph Hough, Rubens spent the unprecedented amount of $30,000 -almost all of it his own money - in the primary race alone. Asked about that level of spending, Rubens copped a they-made-me-do-it plea. His two primary opponents had launched a barrage of mailings in the final weeks, he said. "I had to respond. I had to be aggressive in defining myself." Rubens ended up spending more than twice what was spent by his closest opponent.

But don't blame him. He was forced to. Just like this time.

 

Editorial: Artless dodgers

 

Three Republicans ignore the biggest issue facing the state.

Thursday, September 3, 1998

During their televised debate Tuesday night, all but one of the Republican gubernatorial candidates dodged the only real question of the 1998 campaign: What would you do as governor if a constitutional amendment to trump the Supreme Court's Claremont decision failed in the Legislature or at the polls?

This is just barely a hypothetical question. The amendment is faltering in the Legislature, and the electorate would pass it only if Republican scare tactics and demagoguery cowed voters into acting overwhelmingly against their own interests.

But there they were - Jim Rubens, Jay Lucas and Emile Beaulieu - mouthing the same old evasions and platitudes about the most important issue facing the state.

The question is not difficult. Some weeks ago, Rubens acknowledged to the Monitor during an editorial board meeting that there were only two answers to it. If an amendment fails, he said, only a statewide property tax or an income tax can produce the revenue needed to finance public schools. But Tuesday's format did not allow for boring beneath the sound bites the candidates have perfected by this stage of the campaign.

To paraphrase their pitches:

Beaulieu: Taxes are not the answer on this issue. The problems in our schools began when we took God out of the classroom and began handing out condoms.

 

  • Rubens: I got the amendment through the Senate, and when the people hear the truth about what the Supreme Court has done, they'll approve it. Without an amendment, the court's decision dooms us to decades of litigation. I live right across the border from Vermont, and they're having a civil war over tax reform. We don't need a state takeover of local schools.

     

  • Lucas: I support an amendment, and I think it will pass. Our system of local control is a model for the rest of the country. We've got to keep the politicians in Concord (read: Sen. Rubens) and those Supreme Court justices from trying to run our schools. Higher taxes are not the New Hampshire way. This election is about cutting taxes.

    If Republican voters fall for any of this claptrap, they deserve what they get.

    These three candidates ignored another question totally: Is New Hampshire's tax system fair? But everyone in the state knows the answer to this one. Certainly the conservative Supreme Court knows it.

    We've already endorsed Fred Bramante in this race, and his performance during the debate made it obvious why. He is the only Republican candidate facing the facts and telling the truth. His plan is not as fair as an income tax, but at least he has one, and it would lower taxes for three-quarters of the property owners in the state.

    Actually, he has had the plan long enough to refine it to overcome the objections his opponents raised when the three of them jumped on him during the debate. Bramante's plan would alter an existing tax, not impose a new one. It would make the tax burden fairer. It would enhance local control, especially in districts that would finally have some discretion over their spending after years of taxing at a high rate to produce skimpy school budgets. The plan would cushion the blow on low-income people in property-rich towns.

    Beaulieu, Rubens and Lucas are encouraging voters in Tuesday's primary to avert their eyes from the biggest issue this state has faced in decades. They are pretending that the Supreme Court is some academic debating society whose conclusions have no bearing on the life of the state.

    The reluctance of Beaulieu, Rubens or Lucas to give straight answers on the school tax issue is an insult to Republican voters. What they offer instead is an invitation to strife.

    Look out below

     

    His is one of several hotly contested Senate seats

    Friday, September 15, 2000

    Also: Primary results show maybe the state hasn't changed so much since 1992.

    The great drama of last week's primary - the ousting of two moderate Republican senators who reluctantly supported the income tax - has tax lobbyists and leaders in both parties scrambling to strategize.

    Going into the primary, each party held 12 Senate seats, and five senators planned to retire - so everyone expected a heart-pounding election year. After all, its outcome could determine the future of the state's tax structure.

    The stunning losses of Leo Fraser of Pittsfield and Rick Russman of Kingston to two conservative challengers, Robert Boyce of Alton and Russell Prescott of Exeter, threw the pro-income taxers an unwelcome twist.

    Now, factoring in closely contested races, no less than half the Senate seats are open or hotly contested. Both parties, and both sides of the tax debate, are anxiously counting heads.

    Twelve incumbent seats are considered almost surely safe - eight of them belong to the Democrats, four to the Republicans. These income tax votes break down roughly along party lines.

    Observers say Sen. Mary Brown's District 17 seat will likely stay in Republican hands, while retiring Manchester Sen. John King's seat will stay with the Democrats, judging by the voting history of their districts. (Though that's by no means final.)

    But assuming they will, the Democrats have nine reasonably safe seats, while the Republicans have five. The pro-income taxers have eight secure votes, and their opponents have six, if the two Manchester Democrats stick to their anti-income tax positions.

    This would seem to give the Democrats and the pro-income taxers an edge, but a closer look shows otherwise.

    Two, or possibly three, pro-income tax Democratic incumbents face bruising battles, and three pro-income tax Republicans won't return.

    In District 5, Democratic Sen. Clifton Below will campaign on an income tax platform against former senator Jim Rubens, a Republican who is strongly opposed to the tax. Rubens has already raised more than $80,000 to fuel his campaign, while Below's only drummed up about $30,000.

    Bramante casts himself as the tax repairman

    Concord Monitor, Sunday, August 20, 2000

    By LISA WANGSNESS
    Monitor staff


    One of the first politicians to embrace a statewide property tax, Fred Bramante now says he's the candidate for governor who can fix the one we have.

    Where the statewide property tax is concerned, Fred Bramante tells voters to think of him as Clint Eastwood.

    In the summer blockbuster Space Cowboys, Eastwood plays a retired astronaut. NASA has a problem: An old satellite carrying nuclear weapons is broken and about to crash to Earth. NASA comes to Eastwood for help. He built the satellite; he's the best man to fix it.

    Bramante first prescribed a statewide property tax to distribute wealth among schools more fairly when he ran for governor in 1994 - anticipating the state Supreme Court's Claremont decision well before the State House did - but he lost. He suffered two more defeats in 1996 and 1998. Meanwhile, the state has enacted what he considers a botched version of the tax.

    Eighty percent of New Hampshire residents have lower property taxes than they had before the Claremont ruling, but a budget crisis looms. The towns whose taxes have gone up are suing the state, and the poorest towns still suffer from inadequate resources. Bramante would have preferred to have done it right the first time, but he'll settle for cleanup duty....

    Rubens vs. Below: a race to watch

     

    Wednesday, June 28, 2000

    The Valley News


     

     

     

     

    Another view

     

    You want an issues-oriented campaign? Fine, state Sen. Clifton Below and his Republican challenger, Jim Rubens, will give you issues till you cry for mercy. The two appear close to an agreement to stage joint appearances in every one of District 5's 17 towns, from Lebanon to the tiny town of Orange.

    If ever there were two candidates who could pull it off, these two are it. Both are serious, experienced, well-informed, articulate and opinionated. District 5 should consider itself lucky.

    Rubens captured the Senate seat in 1994, surprising many when he ousted Ralph Hough, a veteran legislator who was then serving as Senate president. Rubens served in the Senate for two terms, relinquishing the seat in 1998 to run unsuccessfully for governor.

    Below's victory was, in some ways, no less surprising. The district has been a Republican bastion for decades, and Below captured the seat after campaigning openly, unapologetically and forcefully for what was supposed to be anathema in a heavily Republican district -- an income tax.

    Below further surprised people -- and distinguished himself in his first Senate term -- as the co-author of an income tax proposal that, at one point, had majority support in both legislative chambers. Were it not for the opposition of Gov. Jeanne Shaheen, New Hampshire might now have an adequate revenue base for its school system and the school-funding issue would be settled. Because it remains far from settled, the so-called Below-Hager-Fernald plan remains alive and, if not well, a useful reminder that it is possible to address this issue fully and finally.

    Rubens has strong opinions about the school finance issue, but then again, there are few issues about which he doesn't feel strongly. Rubens was an early supporter of a constitutional amendment to minimize the court's authority in the matter; he still adamantly opposes an income tax and wishes to see the state's role in education kept to a minimum. He seems more interested in education reform, having championed charter schools and teacher-testing while in the Senate. Rubens also pushed hard for allowing towns and school districts to replace the Town Meeting format with one that allowed for all-day balloting. These days, he appears most passionate about electric deregulation -- opening up the electricity market to competition and minimizing the amount of money the Public Service Company of New Hampshire is allowed to recover for its older investments.

    Rubens, the Republican, comes from overwhelmingly Democratic Hanover. Below, the Democrat, hails from a Republican-inclined Lebanon. Both are successful local businessmen.

    Those who read this space regularly know that we are more inclined to agree with Below on the issues. But both candidates are equally impressive in their thoughtfulness, knowledge and purposefulness. All districts should have such a good choice.

    Editorial: Highs and low

    Concord Monitor, Thursday, June 22, 2000

    Hints of politics as it could be - and as it too often is.

     

    Strictly speaking, the political season is even younger than summer, because the field of candidates for state offices has just been set. Even so, it has already produced noteworthy highs and lows in campaign quality. Though they may not endure as standards - particularly on the low end - they are worth contemplating.

    Rising high early are Democratic state Sen. Clifton Below and his Republican challenger, former senator Jim Rubens.

    Both men are policy wonks who have already made a difference in state politics despite being longer on substance than style. In his last race Below poured his money into a dense, multi-page mailing that had political pros grinning in disbelief. By taking voters seriously, however, Below enjoyed the last laugh: He won.

    Now Below has put forward a campaign idea so crazy that it, too, just might work. He wants to make joint appearances with Rubens in each of the 17 communities in their Senate district. Rubens's initial response was positive.

    Granted, Below-Rubens debates would fall somewhat short of Lincoln vs. Douglas in terms of historical weightiness. But they are, as Rubens termed them, "a very exciting idea," one that would give the candidates a chance to test their ideas as voters assess their candidacies.

    Imagine how much more exciting it would be if the candidates at the top of the state ticket took a similar approach. A joint appearance in each of the state's 234 communities would be a bit much, even for a maniac like John McCain. But how about two gubernatorial debates in each of the state's 10 counties?

    Based on early returns, that's not where the insiders are heading - which brings us to the early campaign low, a yin to the Below-Rubens yang.

    The low would be the current flap over a $22,000 Republican radio campaign targeting Democratic Gov. Jeanne Shaheen. The Democratic response to this superficial salvo is no deeper: Republicans, they say, failed to file the proper paperwork before batting Shaheen around.

    The Democrats appear to be wrong about this, and they're wrong in a larger sense, too. Having poured $50,000 into a losing state Senate race last year on the pretense of building up their party - a transparent effort to circumvent campaign finance law - they are hardly in a position to call other kettles black.

    It is disturbing to see national party money flowing into a state election. But as a logical development in a bad trend, it's hardly surprising.

    In contrast to candidates, parties are allowed to raise money in large, unregulated chunks, provided the money isn't used to influence particular elections. Politically speaking, ignoring this caveat has become a bigger sport than golf, and its Tiger Woods is named Bill Clinton.

    In 1996 Clinton revealed the potential of the "soft money" loophole with an early advertising blitz that buried Republican Bob Dole. Republicans learned the obvious lesson from their disaster, and both parties have been busy merrily raising millions every since.

    Apparently the Republican National Committee now has enough cash on hand to try its hand in state elections, too. With redistricting occurring nationwide next year, Democrats are sure to join in.

    That's not good news for voters who happen to prefer that local races be run locally, by the rules instead of around them.

    McCain's presidential primary success offers plenty of evidence that New Hampshire voters are tired of such shenanigans. And there are plenty of ideas for reforming a system gone bad, from the increased regulation for which McCain campaigned to public financing plans already enacted in Vermont, Massachusetts and Maine.

    In their own way, these early campaign highs and lows may generate more support for lasting reform here - one by demonstrating how well campaigns can be conducted, the other by reminding us how poorly they too often are.